After winning the remarkably peaceful gubernatorial election on 11 December 2006, Irwandi Yusuf and Muhammad Nazar were inaugurated as the first directly elected Governor and Deputy Governor respectively of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam (NAD), Indonesia, on 8 February 2007, some 18 months after the signing of the Helsinki peace agreement between GAM (Free Aceh Movement) and the Indonesian government. The pair secured a comfortable 38.20 % of the votes cast, well above the 25% threshold, rendering a second round unnecessary.
The gubernatorial election continues from the first direct elections of governors and heads of districts throughout Indonesia since 2005. It was preceded by Indonesia's first direct election of the President and Vice President in 2004. However, two features clearly distinguish the election in Aceh.
First, the simultaneous conduct of direct elections - the election of governor and the election of the heads of districts (19 regencies and two cities) - was carried out simultaneously. Second, the participation of independent pairs of candidates, unsupported by any political party, was novel insofar as it is not permitted in the other Indonesian provinces.
Irwandi Yusuf and Muhammad Nazar do not belong to any political party. They ran on an independent slate supported by the grass-root GAM members. Irwandi Yusuf was rescued from a prison cell during the devastating 2004 tsunami, where he was serving out a 9-year sentence, on charges of being a traitor to the country. Irwandi was an instrumental participant in the Helsinki agreement that brought peace to Aceh. Nazar, his deputy, has a strong base among students largely due to his past work with the Aceh Referendum Information Center (SIRA) as a result of which he, like Irwandi, was previously detained.
The victory of the Irwandi-Nazar alliance came as a surprise to many Indonesia watchers and analysts who under-estimated the popularity of the former GAM leaders. The existence of two pairs of ex-GAM candidates and the rivalry between them was thought to have diluted the probability of success beyond traditional GAM strongholds such as East Aceh, Pidie, Central Aceh, and Nagan Raya.
With the elections out of the way, the Irawandi-Nazar team's inauguration marks the start of what is likely to be a long road towards reconstruction and development. Residual frustration with the high rates of poverty within the province remain high.
In parallel, the economy continues to driven mostly by the recovery in the tsunami-hit areas. The immediate challenge revolves around laying the foundations of an economy beyond tsunami recovery and reconstruction, and to spread development across the state. Particular attention needs to be paid to the former conflict torn areas and areas, which recently suffered from floods and land slides, especially in the central and eastern Aceh. The new leaders are likely to focus policy on poverty reduction, improvement in education and health as well as empowerment of small and medium-sized enterprises.
Politically, the most difficult challenge, acknowledged by no less than by Irwandi himself, is the implementation of an anti-corruption programme. Centre-periphery relations will undoubtedly dominate too as the fledging state seeks to establish a working relationship with Jakarta - a potential banana-skin, as many mainstream political parties were soundly routed by ex-GAM representatives during the gubernatorial election. Finally, the battle for a secular Aceh is likely to keep the new leaders busy. In spite of Irwandi's acknowledgement that GAM is a secular movement, he is likely to come up against the vociferous local clerics see Aceh as an Islamic state.
More worryingly, there are concerns that the victory of the Irwandi-Nazar coalition may revive the issue of Aceh's independence from Indonesia. At the same time, Aceh expects much from its new leaders. Should the new leaders fail, the people of Aceh may no longer place their faith in ex-GAM leaders, leading to a new call for independence from Jakarta. Seen in this light, the success of Irwandi and Nazar may well prove to be the pivot that determines the future of Aceh. Nonetheless, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's endorsement of the Irwandi-Nazar pair as the new leaders of Aceh on 11 Jan 2007 is indicative of the wise heads that prevail in Jakarta over the thorny issue of Aceh. Irwandi has himself sought create the right atmospherics for a positive relationship with Jakarta by frequently insisting that development in the region would be consistent with national (Indonesian) development planning.
By any stretch of the imagination, the political landscape in Aceh has changed dramatically. While the challenges remain multifarious and numerous, the future is defined by hope and anticipation. Aceh is strategically located, rich in natural resources and is represented by a demographically multi-ethnic population. The political success of Aceh's new leaders would complete the loop in serving as a modern-day example of how a separatist group - previously referred to as terrorists and criminals - has successfully reintegrated itself to the state, with bloodshed and violence relegated to the domains of history.